The Japanese Empire mobilized various resources ranging from livestock to human resources from its colonies. After the Meiji Restoration, Japan introduced a Western lifestyle for cultural modernization. This change affected the Japanese traditional diet, and a large number of people started consuming beef. Soon this consumption led the country to a chronic cattle shortage, especially considering the number of cattle that were slaughtered. For this reason, demands for Korean cattle went up. The Korean export of cattle to Japan grew about 60,000 every year and further expanded with the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. “Cattle of the Peninsula” had become “Cattle of the Empire.” Systems of quarantine and disease prevention were established. However, because of the rapid growth of cattle exports to Japan, the height and weight of Korean cattle became inferior, and this deficiency marked the birth of “healthy” yet undersized Korean cattle. Consequently, it can be said that Korean cattle were merely used as a source of supply to propagate Japanese cattle. The case study on colonial cattle indicates that the imperial economic integration might give rise to a contradiction between the empire and the colony.
From the 17th century onwards, Joseon society began to see medical practitioners who were not ashamed of searching for profits. These practitioners acted as agents and led Korea towards commercialization. However, Western missionaries and the colonial government slowed the pace of commercialization. Both of them performed medical treatment free of charge as a means to settle in Korea as quickly as possible. Their action consequently prevented Koreans from growing into active consumers. Nevertheless, they were not powerful enough to block the commercialization of medicine. Western missionaries and the colonial government began to retreat from their policy of charity. Furthermore, Korean doctors who had studied Western medicine tried to distance themselves from this benevolent art. They began to blame Korean patients who stuck to old medical ethics and set their sights on the inevitable pursuit of profit. Because of this desire, Korean patients would have no choice but to change, which was the primary reason the status of Korean patients changed from subjects to consumers.
This article investigates the display strategy of the Empire’s gaze as the perspective of a camera and Korean culture as its chosen photographic object through the analyses of articles and pictures in Culture Joseon 文化朝鮮 (formerly Tour Joseon 觀光朝鮮). Culture Joseon is a Japanese-language magazine published in Seoul from 1939 to 1944 during the late Japanese colonial period. It was a popular magazine that targeted as its audience ordinary travelers, businessmen, civil servants or anyone who was involved in the wartime business of the late Japanese colonial period or any other kinds of modern projects. As it had the capital, initiative, and the power and human network of a semi-official gazette, its extravagance was incomparable to other contemporary media, enabling Culture Joseon to show off the expansion of Japanese territory, advertise, and represent Korea as a stable colony. Examination of this text confirms that the empire’s strategy of colonial administration mobilized the modern sensibility of travel and tourism to introduce, flaunt, and consume Korea and Korean culture. This strategy may have been effective in propagandizing the war and mobilizing colonial subjects in Japan and Korea. In addition, the homogenized and idealized images of Korea represented in the magazine conversely revealed that the design of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was a mere fantasy.
North Korea’s relationship with China had always been complex and ambivalent, ostensibly bound by common ideology but potentially fractured by nationalism. Regardless, Pyongyang refrained from openly opposing Beijing until 1965–1966. The standard interpretations have primarily cited the Cultural Revolution and differences about the Soviet Union as main reasons for the degeneration of their bilateral relations. The previous emphasis on the disruptive impact of the Cultural Revolution and the Soviet Union, however, has obscured a new source of contention emanating from their divergence about the American threat. During this time, North Korea assessed Beijing’s efforts to avoid a direct confrontation with the United States over Vietnam, coupled with the dominance of anti-Sovietism, as evidence of China’s growing disregard for fraternal solidarity and unity of alliance. Consequently, Pyongyang redefined Beijing for the first time as an impediment to the joint struggle against American imperialism and a doubtful asset in the pursuit of militant strategy towards South Korea. Accordingly, an explicit criticism of China underpinned Pyongyang’s accelerated promotion of independence from 1965–1966, which was advanced as clearly more anti-American and theoretically principled position than Chinese policy towards the United States.
This paper provides a new fact as following through interrogation records of Ahn Jung-Geun. The investigation of the case of Ahn Jung-Geun by Russian and Japanese jurisdictions proceeded as follows: Public Prosecutor Miller of Border District Court conducted the investigation with focus on Ahn and tried to find holes in the testimony related to Ahn’s whereabouts and actions after arriving a day ahead. Hence, the fact that the railway police of the Chinese Eastern Railway faithfully conducted their duties was emphasized. Second, Miller investigated in detail the testimony and reported that it was the Japanese consul general who controlled the access of Japanese nationals. Miller’s intent was to eliminate any responsibility on the Russian side for the assassination. Third, Magistrate Strazov and Miller checked the three person’s activities at Chegagu Station, and on the grounds that Ahn was a Korean national, judged that Japan had jurisdiction over the case. The Russian judiciary put maximum emphasis on the fact that there was no participation by Russians in the assassination, only Koreans. The utmost priority of the Japanese government at the time was to prevent Ahn’s grave from becoming a site of pilgrimage for the Korean independence movement. By the same token, the Japanese even refused to hand over Ahn’s body to his family until the end. In fact, the Japanese even buried Ahn in a Lushun Prison public cemetery. To thwart the plan to set up Ahn Jung-Geun’s grave in the cemetery for Koreans in Harbin, the Japanese most likely cremated Ahn’s body buried in the public cemetery in Lushun. After all, this paper traced the confrontation and cooperation of Russia
This paper analyzes how textbook dialogues are carried out between countries that have experienced colonialism (as either imperial power or colony) or have been a victim or an assailant in a war. In particular, it examines how the European experience was accepted in the Northeast Asian history textbook dialogue over the last 20 years and what the limitations of this acceptance have been. The Northeast Asian textbook dialogue has been reached as a post-war settlement of imperialism and an historical awareness of mutual respect. Post-war issues were clearly settled in the Germany- France, Germany-Poland textbook dialogue but most European countries have not initiated textbook dialogues with their former colonies. This paper argues that it is a significant achievement that Korea, a former colony, has established a new type of textbook dialogue for settling issues of colonialism while at the same time embracing the achievements of the European textbook dialogues. Further, this paper suggests that such experiences in Northeast Asia could contribute to efforts in Europe.