A demand for empirical studies on the practical workings of social capital in Korean society is on the rise now that theoretical discussions on social capital have taken root to a certain extent. This paper examines the eochongye (rotating credit system of a fishing village) in Jujeon-dong, Ulsan as a case study in order to verify whether economic efficiency at the individual level harmonizes with—and does not contradict—social justice at the collective level through social capital. Questionnaires were used first to identify the existing type of social capital of the eochongye in Jujeon-dong, after which in-depth interviews were conducted to investigate how this type of social capital works there. Analysis of the questionnaires and in-depth interviews produced the following conclusion: “Philos relationship,” a type of social capital, exists widely and is actually practiced in the intersubjective life world of the Jujeon-dong eochongye where common-pool resources are shared. By way of preventing generalization of values, philos relationship resolves the dilemma of collective action while causing the problem of community. The main reason behind this is the collective memory of cultural trauma of the eochongye.
Irwolhoe, or the January Association, asserted the unification of the split socialist movement upon its formation in January 1925. Perceiving that the national liberation movement was an ideological struggle as well as an economic and political one, Irwolhoe published Sasang undong as a means of realizing its objective of prevailing in ideological warfare. Suppressed by the colonial authorities from Japan, Irwolhoe changed the editing policy of Sasang undong in January 1926. Gwondoksa took over Sasang undong’s mission of “introducing scientific theories.” By the end of 1927, Gwondoksa had published a total of nine pamphlets. They were primarily translations of works analyzing capitalism through the prism of Marxism, in addition to translated versions of Marxist texts. In 1926, Makseu-wa makseujuui and Gwahakjeok sahoejuui were published. The two books are noteworthy in the history of the introduction of socialism to Korea in that they attempted to analyze Marxism through the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Irwolhoe regarded Leninism as the Marxism of the imperial era and as “genuine Marxism” that enriched Marxism by solving theoretical and practical problems through Marx’s theories and methodology.
This study explores the relationship between the identity building process of second-generation Korean Americans, peer group dynamics and the mass media. Second generations are different from their parents in the sense that they have several stages of development in their identities as Americans, Korean Americans, and Asian Americans. In-depth interviews with Korean-American teenagers living in the Boston area revealed that not until later in their teens when they meet with Koreans who come directly from Korea, do they think of their dual identities. But once they encounter Koreans, they feel that they are different from their peer Americans but even more so from Koreans. Identity formation at this stage goes through a complicated process that I termed “re-acculturation” and, at this stage, the Korean-American peer group serves as a social support mechanism, whereas the Korean media helps them to bond with their peers and family.
This paper aims to examine the influence of the minganhak on the formation of knowledge culture in colonial Korea. The conflict between the gwanhak and the minganhak was pervasive across the Japanese empire. In Japan, the gwanhak meant official academism contributing to the nation’s goal of economic wealth and military strength, whereas the minganhak meant to pursue universal values and academic diversity. In colonial Korea, however, the two types of academism had different characteristics from the Japanese counterparts. The gwanhak in the colony meant the learning concerned with colonial policies, namely, partial but intensified form of the gwanhak in the metropole, whereas the minganhak in the colony was the imagined form of the gwanhak as role and system to run modern state. The colonial minganhak was marked by the continued political endeavor to remind the readers of the lost sovereignty and its resurrection. In colonial Korea in the 1920s, the magazine Gaebyeok functioned the foremost agency in forming and developing the colonial minganhak.
China’s Northeast Project (NEP), also known as the “Research Project of Northeastern China,” has unleashed national sentiment among many Korean people. Even if it originated in purely academic research, the NEP poses a grave political challenge to contemporary Korea. The Korean response to the NEP can be broadly categorized in two ways: The first is that while negative perceptions of these moves by the Chinese have prevailed in Korean society, the Korean government has been very cautious in expressing criticism of the NEP due to national interests with the Chinese government. The other point is that as time has progressed, a series of Korean self-reflections on the complex nature of nationalism in response to the NEP has emerged. With the analysis of these self-reflections, this paper attempts to address an inter-subjective nationalist perspective of history as a solution that recognizes “mutual recognition of national identity” in considering the prevailing reality of Northeastern Asian nationalism.