The introduction of Western geographical knowledge played a key role in bringing about change in the production of traditional world maps in the East. The emergence of circular world maps was one of the consequences of this change. Although circular world maps were produced in order to represent the expanded understanding of geography as galvanized by the Easts encounter with Western geographical knowledge, these maps depended on the Easts traditional conception of the world in terms of content and style. Based on Shanhaijing(The Classic of Mountains and Seas), which described theimaginary world beyond human experience, mapmakers established the struc- ture of the four separate parts of the worldinternal continent, internal sea, external continent, and external seaand created place names in each area: names recorded in historical documents are included in the internal continent, and place names related to Taoist immortality (sinseon sasang)in the inter-nal sea. The understanding of the world implied in circular world maps still remains within the Sinocentric worldview and the concept of cheonwonjibang, which defines the heavens as round and the earth as square. In addi-tion, the maps reflect the cosmographical concept of unity of heaven, earth, and man and the Taoist idea of immortality rooted in the desire for health and longevity.
This paper has examined how the people of Joseon understood East Asia as depicted in its old maps. A great majority of Joseon maps of the world and foreign countries were made from imported source maps. Naturally, the con- sciousness of the original cartographers was transplanted along with the infor- mation in the maps. Once they were copied and used in Joseon, however, East Asia came to be understood from the Joseon perspective. The most important factor seems to have been their Sinocentric worldview.WhileGangnidopresents an excellent overview of all the continents, Mat-teo Riccis World Map gives a panoramic view of the vast world, comprehen- sive enough to include even the New World. We should pay close attention to this. The sizes of Joseon and Japan give some clues to understanding the stance of fifteenth-century Joseon. Quite a few Joseon intellectuals did not see that the vast world presented in Matteo Riccis map conflicted with the Sinocentric geographical notion.Inverted maps of Japan were very popular among Koreans from the seven-teenth to the nineteenth century. And Ryukyu was remembered as a commerce state in the minds of Joseon people. Many Joseon intellectuals believed that the Netherlands was a country in Far Southern Sea and actively engaged in trade with Japan.
Joseon peoples territorial consciousness was constantly changing according to Joseons diplomatic relations with China and the Jurchens, or to the cartograph- ers historical consciousness and political orientation. When the Mt. Baekdu Demarcation Stele was erected in 1712, diverse opinions were presented with regard to this issue. Some regarded the Tumen river that was referred to on the stele as being one and the same with the Dumangang river, while others pointed out that despite the two rivers sources being different, they still converge at a certain point in the end. Still others viewed the two rivers as separate, even assuming the existence of another demarcation river between the two countries. Changed perceptions of boder regions are faithfully reflected in the borderregion maps of the late Joseon period. In the maps that are presumed to have been drawn prior to the erection of Mt. Demarcation Stele, the northern territo- ry is roughly or erroneously illustrated, while in the maps that were later pro- duced, the location of the Seonchullyeong pass is clearly marked. In the maps describing the topographies of Joseon and the Chinese northeastern area, there are margin notes that refer to the Seonchullyeong pass as 280 km north of the Dumangang river or as the border of Goryeo. This tells us that the Joseon peoples active appropriation of the old areas of the ancient states permeated in the maps they produced.
This study is premised on the understanding that the purpose, perspective, and manner of representing land surfaces on a map may differ depending on who makes the map. The paper explores the characteristics of spatial percep- tion as well as overall aspects of the spatial consciousness revealed in old provincial maps from the late Joseon period, with reference to the Haedongjido(Atlas of Korea) in the mid-eighteenth century and the 1872 Maps. In the late Joseon period, local magistrates were the ones who usually hadcontrol over map production. They employed a painter well versed in the region or an experienced local official to draw the map for the purpose of effective gov- ernance and administration. Thus, old provincial maps from the late Joseon can be viewed as a visual representation of the power holders view of space. This paper also identifies the geometric elements of space that are exhibit-ed in provincial maps and categorized them broadly into three: place, path- way, and area. Places of power or ritual were identified as major elements of place; road networks, fortress gates, or mountain passes as elements of path- way; and core, semi-core, and periphery as elements of area. Finally, the paper examines the overall aspects of the map producers spa-tial consciousness. It was concluded that a map producers consciousness of space can be characterized by the power holder-centered view of space, moun- tain-and-stream-centered understanding of nature, and geomantic perception of topography.
As both a government slave and an entertainer for the court and the upper class, the ginyeowas a liminal being who belonged neither to the cultural cen-ter nor the periphery. Besides serving the national interest with her artistic accomplishments as a yeoak(female court artist), her duties were to providethe men of the yangban(aristocratic) class with a medium of social life andsexual pleasure.However, by the late Joseon period, the image of the chaste lady started todefine the dominant representation of the ginyeo.Virtuous ginyeowhoseemed to possess the self-consciousness of the yangban class began to appear.This chaste ginyeohas been admired as a paragon of Confucian virtue. This new icon of the virtuous ginyeonot only shows that Confucianhegemony had spread to the sphere of everyday life, but also presents a sexual double standard for women of this social class. In particular, the mixed self- consciousness of virtuous ginyeois a historical index of the liminality of theginyeomaximized at the point where the formula of desire intersects the dualfunctioning of gender in Joseon society. Furthermore, the formation of the virtuous ginyeoin the late Joseon shows how female sexuality was recon-structed in the premodern social context.
Conventional reports often hint at how Koreans gained film industry experi- ence and training in Korea and Japan during the 1920s and early 1930s under Cultural Policy reforms. Yet, few studies consider the full range of influences that motivated their contributions to a local vibrant popular entertainment industry and to the global transition to sound. This article attempts to recast the story of cinema in colonial Korea by offering new insights into the produc- tive and destructive characteristics of colonial modernity. The exhibition of talkies from Japan and the West (primarily the United States)as early as in 1925 and more regularly after 1930inspired Korean filmmakers and techni- cians to experiment with sound technology in a way similar to others around the world. Producing a small number of talkies on locally-made equipment enabled them to reach out to millions of cinemagoers and to contribute to a golden-age of cinemarather than simply collaborating with the Japan- ese. In the process, they constructed new spaces for the expression of Korean language and culture within and despite the political and cultural boundaries of colonialism. Colonialism involved entangled degrees of entrepreneurialism, nationalism, and modernityparticularly for those who dreamt of bringing modernity to Korea and sought the type of cosmopolitan lifestyle found in a film production center such as Seoul, Tokyo, Kyoto, Shanghai, Los Angeles, as well as Harbin and Darien in Manchuria.
This essay aims to measure the universal literary value of the GuunmongbyKim Man-jung. To properly measure the universality of the Guunmong, weneed to shed new light on its universal dimension, which, however, leads to the inevitable question of what universality is. The literary values in the Guun-mongcan be communicated to diverse readers, texts, and contexts. This islinked to the work of comparing the classics of center and periphery, and show- ing the differences and commonalities between them, so as to rethink the sig- nificance of universality of literary value. The Divine Comedyis adopted for this work, which concentrates on how theGuunmong, as a classic work from the periphery, can maintain universal liter-ary value through its textual power to abolish the division of center and periph- ery itself. I explain this by analyzing such literary effects in theGuunmongasfolding, harmony, ambivalence, appropriation, inclusion, and relativ- ity, concepts that all constitute the structure and concept of circulation. Although I intend this work to be a radical reconsideration of universalityin literature, I do not necessarily aim to pull down the center in favor of the periphery or vice versa, but rather to clarify that plural universalities exist, and the resultant new horizontal, democratic, and mutually productive rela- tionships among them need to be highlighted in the work of examining liter- ary value. This is what theGuunmong, with its structure and philosophy ofcircularity, accomplishes so well and what qualifies it as a classic.