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  • P-ISSN0023-3900
  • E-ISSN2733-9343

Vol.45 No.4

pp.9-40
초록보기
Abstract

Offering an analysis of the twenty years of nuclear negotiations between the international community and North Korea, this paper reveals that North Korea's nuclear weapons development is neither a fabricated nor an exaggerated problem. Does North Korea carry on its nuclear weapons development because of a lack of mutual trust between it and the United States? Is it developing nuclear weapons simply as a means of negotiation? The negotiation records of the past twenty years reveal that the North has consistently pushed ahead with the development of nuclear weapons. For the North Korean regime, nuclear armament can be seen as a means for its survival and negotiation leverage for improving relations with the United States. Since 1993, when the U.S.-North Korea senior officials meetings began, the North has sought a political solution through direct negotiations with the United States on the line that, if the United States tacitly approves its established nuclear capabilities through the freezing of its nuclear facilities, it can resolve U.S. security concerns like nuclear proliferation and long-range ballistic missiles. It remains to be seen if the September 19 2005 joint statement, which declared the dismantlement of all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs, will lead to an eventual resolution of the North's nuclear problem or turn out to be nothing more than another agreement to be reneged on like the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the joint statement on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, and the Geneva Agreed Framework.

pp.41-66
pp.67-84
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Abstract

This paper argues that a peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear disputes greatly depends on the U.S. strategy, since that country has enough capabilities to control the negotiation process, whereas the Norths resources are quite limited. Therefore, it suggests that accurate identification and analysis of the evolving positions of the United States and their underlying causes at various levels are essential. The paper has found that the key explanatory variables include the Bush security teams ability to understand the international constraints that limit the practicability of the Bush doctrine and domestic politics that could tie the Bush administrations hands while, at the same time, prompting it to readjust the course of its foreign policy.

pp.85-111
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Abstract

From South Koreas perspective, North Koreas nuclear problem poses one of the most serious stumbling blocks to its peace and prosperity policy toward the North. One of the simplest strategies to defend North Koreas WMD threat is to cope with traditional military deterrence. Most of the military measures to press North Korean regime did not achieve a noticeable success. Hence, it is a time to formulate a novel approach toward North Koreas nuclear issues. South Korea should actively support international nonproliferation regime. It must be emphasized that a complete denuclearization of the Korean peninsula is a first premise toward a peaceful unification. A selective engagement, supported by credible conventional and nuclear deterrence, can be another option to deal with North Korean nuclear issue. Compared to these approaches, a cooperative threat reduction approach can provide a safer solution to North Korean nuclear issue. To apply a cooperative threat reduction approach to North Korean case, minimum political-military confidence among North Korea, South Korea, and the United States may be a prerequisite. Once such mutual trust is set in, the next step is formulating an acceptable incentive for North Korea in return for giving up its WMD ambitions. South Korea should take a lead in organizing international consortium to promote economic assistance to North Korea.

pp.112-142
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Abstract

The North Korean nuclear program is riding on its organizational and political momentum. Unless it is resolved within a reasonably short period of time, the momentum will push the program past the threshold; i.e., to the testing of nuclear bombs. This would not only precipitate an acute international crisis, but also result in region-wide nuclear proliferation with profound implications for the security and stability of not only just the East Asian region but the entire world. To minimize such dangers, participants in the six-party talks should bear in mind the following and act accordingly.First, the international coalition led by the U.S. should offer a package to North Korea that integrates both credible and realistic promises of reward that North Korea would get if they comply and credible threats of punishment, including the international sanctions they would face if they cross the clearly set red-line. Second, the credibility of the position will be maintained and enhanced if the participants form a common front to play diplomatic games vis--vis North Korea. Third, given the diverse and often conflicting interests among regional powers, it would not be easy to form such a common front. Yet collaboration to form a common front is possible and likely if regional powers somehow foster the norms of, and develop the institutions of, multilateralism. Fourth, to foster the norms of multilateralism, the regional powers need to approach the North Korean issue not just from the narrow perspective of proliferation, but from a much broader perspective of regional and international security order.

pp.147-182
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Abstract

In this paper, I examined the discourse surrounding the Korean Wave, the phenomenon of Korean popular cultures burgeoning popularity in Asian societies, within South Korea media from 2001 till 2005. Struggling to interpret a constantly changing reality, the cultural nationalist, the neoliberal, and the postcolonial camps were drawing the discursive terrain of the Korean Wave, sometimes clashing and at other times engaging each other in strategic compromises. The initial diverse discourses congealed and merged in their concentration on economic profit later on, which is indicative of a neoliberal turn in the 2000s Korea. The media technology revolution and global capitalism prepared the system for the manufacture of cultural products and circulation within Asia, and formed the coeval space of capitalist Asia. However, the diverse images and texts circulating within Asia were providing new opportunities to construct an alternate consciousness through the sharing of popular culture. Non-Western societies which used to measure their modernities against Western standards entered the new stage of subject formation.

pp.183-205
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Abstract

The Korean pop culture wave refers to the rapid spread of Korean pop culture throughout Asia in the popularity of Korean dramas, dance music, films, animation and games. Due to the desires of the Korean society carried in the Korean pop culture wave, most research on the theme in Korea has had a tendency to emphasize the universal superiority of Korean culture or the economic effect of the phenomenon based on economism. This paper aims to provide a detailed empirical case on the concrete processes of distribution, circulation, and consumption of Korean pop culture in Taiwan using the specific case of Korean TV dramas. Taiwan has been one of the biggest importer of Korean dramas. The images delivered through the Korean TV dramas have very much influenced the Taiwanese to view contemporary Korean society as a country of modern and urban elegance, and woman-centeredness. This article also stresses that fact that the popularity of the Korean drama can be understood in the context of the specific reprocessing and consumption system in Taiwan to reduce the high economic risk of the business. One way of adapting that has been developed to maximize profits and minimize the risks of the cultural industry is the accompaniment of various localization processes. The localization process sometimes entails the hybridity of the Korean dramas text as well.

; pp.206-232
(National University of Singapore) pp.233-260
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Abstract

In a region where, for a long time, international cultural flow between neighbors were scarce and thus, where regionally common popular culture was arguably American mass culture, a cultural flow between Korea, Taiwan, Japan, China, and other countries have recently and increasingly become active. More television dramas, films, and pop music from one of these countries are consumed in their neighbors, and co-production between these countries is in vogue. What is notable is that Korea, the country that used to be considered a backwater in terms of popular cultural production and international exchanges, plays an important role in the media regionalization in East Asia. By inquiring into the recent success of the Korean popular cultural and cinema industries in particular, as well as Korean initiatives in cinema regionalization in East Asia, this paper will further explore the concept of cultural globalization.

pp.261-290
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Abstract

One of the most remarkable facts about religion in South Korea is that Protestantism, which was introduced in 1884, is the second largest religion with nearly nine million adherents and that it has been the fastest growing religion for the last four decades. This is all the more astonishing given the fact that Christianity has failed to strike roots in Japana neighbouring country with strikingly similar social organizational arrangements and shared cultural traditions and practiceswhere less than one percent of the population has converted to the new religion. The key historical-sociological problematic raised by this phenomenal development is obvious: what confluence of historical, religio-cultural, and social conditions and factors account for the Christian success story in South Korea and the corresponding failure of this imported Western religion to make similar progress in Japan? This study argues that the main reasons for the different response lie in the political and religious context between the late nineteenth century and the mid 1940s. The factors that set the stage for the different fate of Protestant Christianity in Korea and Japan are many, but the following three have been most important: 1) the difference in socio-political contexts (political instability and defeat versus relatively greater stability and triumph); 2) contrasts in the missionaries efforts and their impact (appreciation versus indifference and contempt); and 3) dissimilarity in the religio-cultural milieu (lack of religious opposition versus concerted opposition by traditional religions and Shinto-centered unity).

Korea Journal